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Since the
introduction of mass media, academic debates in the field of communications and
among the everyday discussions of citizens around the world, tend to emphasize
on the importance of news and entertainment media as mediums of political
discourse, and especially on their role as dynamic forces to nations'
democratization. In United States particularly, scholars and observers
place considerable responsibility upon the shoulders of new media for the current
state of U.S. polity and culture.
When the
term new media was first introduced, critics that studied it entered the
sphere of hope, trying to evaluate whether the new technological forms could
foster participation, increase the level of awareness regarding politics among
citizens, and reestablish interaction. Internet chat rooms, talk shows, live TV
shows, and all interactive multimedia networks of various forms, fueled and
continue to feed this hope, which makes contemporary critics believe that the significance
of politics could be understood by the vast majority, decreasing lack of
interest. But have things changed due to the introduction and use of these new
media forms? Do people feel more democratized and are they better involved in
the political processes that govern their everyday lives?
Unfortunately,
as different studies suggest, new media have altered not the number of people
involved, but actually the scope of their interest in public policy and
politics. That is mainly because new media technologies provide both new
challenges and dangers. There is the danger that a new technopoly will further colonize everyday life, as consumers
passively absorb 500 plus channels of the same old cultural forms. Yet the new
technologies also provide individuals with weapons to produce new forms of
culture and to program their own cultural environment. The overwhelming
increase in media technologies ready to enter the consumer market and attract
attention, suggests that there is still hope out there for new media to realize
their role in the democratization process of contemporary citizens.
At the
same time, one has to keep in mind that a variety of studies argue that a
person's critical media pedagogy ultimately requires the restructuring of the
media, schooling, and everyday life. Contemporary societies are producing
wondrous new technologies and immense social wealth, but it is unequally
distributed and often used as forms of domination and destruction, rather than
to promote human betterment. Critical media pedagogy must intervene in this
challenging and threatening situation and struggle to overcome the worst
features of existing societies and cultures by striving to create better ones.
Critical media pedagogy actually inevitably intersects with progressive politics
and the project of radical social transformation. To the extent that these
outcomes contribute to the democratization of today's citizens, they are
advancing both the theoretical base of analysis and peoples' political
interest, in the present ambiguous political moment.
A rich American
tradition of critical media analysis and pedagogy can aid people make their way
further into the corporate-dominated, advertising-saturated,
information-and-communication-based, world economic order of this century and
beyond. As more and more people are getting increasingly sick of politics
as theatre, confrontation, conspiracy, cynicism and policy emptiness and they
do have a hunger for substance, they search for ideas that really do seem to be
addressing the problems they are experiencing and feeling in their daily lives,
will lead them to find the political players who will share those
pre-occupations and be able to relate to them at a direct and human level.
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